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  ILLUSTRATION OF THE IPA Kazakh Adam G. McCollum University of California, San Diego Si Chen Hong Kong Polytechnic University Kazakh (ISO 639-3, kaz) is a Kipchak (Northwestern) Turkic language with approximately ten million speakers (Muhamedowa 2015). While the majority of Kazakh speakers live in the Republic of Kazakhstan, significant Kazakh-speaking populations exist throughout Central Asia. As spoken in Kazakhstan, Kazakh is described as having three or four dialects, but many researchers agree that differences between dialects are small and largely lexical (Kara 2002; Grenoble 2003; Muhamedowa 2015; see Amanzholov 1959 for more on Kazakh dialects). This illustration describes the basic phonetics and phonology of the language, including segmental inventory, syllable structure, and some basic intonational patterns. Additionally, the description focuses on two phonological characteristics of the language: vowel harmony and stress. The sound files were recorded from one Kazakh speaker in San Diego, CA. While the analysis derives largely from these recordings, significant fieldwork informs the description presented. The consultant is a female in her early thirties from the Zhambul region of southeastern Kazakhstan who has lived in the U.S. for five years. She speaks Kazakh, Russian, Turkish, and English. Excluding the data collected for the analysis of stress, as well as the The  North Wind and the Sun  passage, all words were produced in isolation. Consonants Bilabial Dental/ Alveolar Postalveolar Palatal Velar Uvular Plosive p b t ̪ d ̪  k ɡ  q Nasal m n ŋ  Trill r Fricative s z  ʃ    ʒ   χ    ʁ  Approximant w j Lateral Approximant l The Kazakh consonantal inventory consists of the twenty contrastive sounds listed above (Balakayev 1962:40). Note that many (and possibly all) of these consonants alternate for the backness and roundness of flanking vowels, making it difficult in some cases to determine whether an alternation is between two phonemes or between allophones of a single phoneme. In addition to the consonants shown above, Kazakh speakers variably incorporate non-native  sounds, like the Russian labiodental fricatives, [f] and [v], as well as the glottal fricative, [h] from Arabic. These are ex emplified by words like /faːwnaː/ ‘fauna ’, /va ːgɔːn  / ‘railway car’, and  /  ʒi ͡ jhaː n/ ‘world.’ For the glottal fricative, there is a great deal of variation both within- and between-speakers. For example, this speaker produced [h] in <жиhан> [ʒi ͡ jhaːn] ‘world’ but [χ] in <жиhаз> [ ʒi ͡ jχaːz] ‘furnit ure.’ This class of non-native sounds is not uncommon among speakers in Kazakhstan, but is rare or even non-existent in the speech of Kazakhs residing in China or Mongolia. The Kazakh consonantal inventory is exemplified below in onset and coda positions. Onset Coda Phoneme Word Gloss Word Gloss p p ɛ l elephant ʒɛ p string b ba ː s head m ma ː l livestock k ɛ m who w wa ː q time t ̪ a ː w mountain t ̪   t ̪ a ː s stone sa ːt ̪  sell.IMP d ̪   d ̪ a ː la ː  field n na ː r dromedary t ̪ æ ː n body r ri  jza ː  satisfied na ː r dromedary s sa ːt ̪  sell.IMP t ̪ a ː s stone z za ːt ̪  thing b ɛ z we l la ː s dirty p ɛ l elephant  ʃ     ʃ  a ː q tense (grammatical) qa ːʃ   flee.IMP ʒ   ʒ a ːt ̪  lie down.IMP t ̪ æ ːʒ  crown  j ja ː  or a ː  j moon k ki ̯eŋ  wide  ʃi ̯e k edge ɡ   ɡʏl  flower ŋ   ki ̯eŋ  wide q qa ː n blood  ʃ  a ː q tense (grammatical) χ    χ  a ː n khan t ̪ a ːrijχ   history ʁ   ʁ a ːʃə q love Voiceless plosives in Kazakh tend to be aspirated, but aspiration is often reduced in connected speech. Word-initially, voiced plosives are generally pre-voiced. Mean voice onset time (VOT, N=73) by place of articulation is shown below in Table 1. Observe that among the voiced plosives, /  ɡ/ is prevoiced more noticeably than /d ̪  / or /b/. As for the voiceless plosives, /p/ is realized with more aspiration than / t ̪  /, /k/, or /q/.  Table 1: Voice onset time (VOT) for voiced and voiceless plosives by place of articulation Voiced plosive Mean VOT (ms) Voiceless plosive Mean VOT (ms) b -47.5 p 48.8 d ̪  -46.4 t ̪  27.7 ɡ  -71.5 k 36.5 q 32.8 Total (SD) -49.4 (21.4) Total (SD) 32.0 (14.3) The velar and uvular plosives, as well as other dorsal obstruents, undergo alternations based on the backness of adjacent vowels. The velar and uvular obstruents generally occur with front and back vowels, respectively. In loans, however, they may occur with both front and back vowels. This is exemplified by the loan, /kra ː n/ ‘faucet.’ In addition, both velar and uvular obstruents may occur adjacent to /i ͡ j/, as in /qi ͡ j/  ‘manure’ and /  ki ͡  j/ ‘dress.IMP’, as well as in loans like,  /  ʁi ͡  jmarat/ ‘building’ and /  ɡi ͡  jta ː ra ː  / ‘guitar.’ The uvular plosive varies between a true plosive, as in [q ɔ s] ‘bird’ and [wa ː q] ‘time,’ and a voiceless uvular fricative in connected speech, as in  /m ə qt ə  d i ̯ ͡e - ɡi ̯ ͡e n/ [m əχtə  d i ̯ ͡eɡi ̯ ͡e n] ‘strong say-PFV’ produced in the passage below. In this way, the contrast between /q/ and /χ/ is often neutralized in the spoken language. Interestingly, the voiceless uvular fricative occurs as a voiceless velar fricative, [x], in some instances, as in /  χaːn/ [xaːn] ‘khan.’  Within a morpheme, Kazakh allows voiced and voiceless plosives, as demonstrated below. Note especially that voiceless plosives may occur intervocalically within morphological roots, as in  /ba ː qa ː  / ‘frog.’ The voiceless velar plosive is also found intervocalically in the possessive pronominal suffix, as in /m i ̯ ͡e n- ɛ k ɛ  / ‘1S-POSS.PRO’ and /s ɛ z-d ɛ k ɛ  / ‘2S.FORM-POSS.PRO.’ In coda position, coda obstruents and following onsets agree in voicing. Phoneme Onset Gloss Coda Gloss p kiep ɛ l guarantee t ̪ a ː ps ə r order.IMP b kieb ɛ s a type of shoe a ː bza ː l respected t ̪  ba ːt ̪ə l   brave k i ̯et ̪ pi ̯e n hoe d ̪  a ːd ̪ə r hillock m i ̯ed ̪ bi  jk i ̯e  nurse k i ̯e k ɛ  two m i ̯ekt ̪i ̯e p school ɡ  s i ̯eɡɛ z eight i ̯eɡd ̪i ̯e  elderly q ba ː qa ː  frog t ̪ a ːqt ̪aː  chalkboard ʁ  ba ːʁ a ː  price ʒ a ːʁd ̪ a ː  j situation As seen above, word-initial and root-internal plosives may be voiced or voiceless. Word-finally, plosives are voiceless. The voiced dental plosive does not occur root-finally, and the voiceless dental  plosive does not undergo voicing in these derived environments, as in /ki ̯ ͡et - i ̯ ͡e - d ̪ɛ  / ‘leave-NPST-3.’ However, the voiced dental plosive may devoicing when it occurs word-finally due to deletion of the word- final vowel, like /ki ̯ ͡el - i ̯ ͡e - d ̪ɛ  / ‘come-NPST-3,’ which is colloquially  produced as [ki ̯ ͡eli ̯ ͡et ̪].    At morpheme boundaries, intervocalic plosives are often voiced and spirantized, as in /k ɵː p- ɛ  / [k ɵːβɛ ] ‘much-POSS.3’ 1  Also, plosives may undergo spirantization across word boundaries, as in /a ː q i ̯ ͡eʃ  k ɛ  / [a ːʁ   i ̯ ͡eʃ  k ɛ ] ‘white goat.’ Of the plosives, the voiced dental plosive is least noticeably spirantized, but still occurs for some speakers. Intervocalic Other positions (word-final and post-consonantal onset positions shown below) Place of articulation Word Gloss Word Gloss Labial k ɵːβ - ɛ  much-POSS.3 k ɵː p much qa ː lp- ə  form-POSS.3 Dental ki ̯ ͡el - i ̯ ͡e -d ɛ  come-NPST-3 ki ̯ ͡e l- i ̯ ͡e - t ̪  come-NPST-3 (colloquial) ki ̯ ͡et - i ̯ ͡e -d ɛ  leave-NPST-3  ʃ  a ː rt- ə  contract-POSS.3 Velar  ʃi ̯ ͡eɡ - ɛ  edge-POSS.3  ʃi ̯ ͡ek   edge Uvular ba ːʁ - ə  orchard-POSS.3 ba ː q orchard χ  a ː lq- ə  nation-POSS.3 Unlike the plosives, Kazakh allows voiced sibilants, /z/ and /  ʒ  / in coda positions, as in the pronominal, /b ɛ z/ ‘we,’ and /  ʒ  /, as in the Persian loan /t ̪ æ ːʒ  / ‘crown.’ Further, unlike the plosives, intervocalic fricatives do not undergo voicing at morpheme boundaries, as can be seen in forms like, /t ̪ a ː s- ə  / ‘stone-POSS.3’ and /qa ː z- ə  / ‘goose-POSS.3.’ The sibilants, are often subject to assimilation word-internally, in compounds, and across word boundaries. Within words, sibilants may trigger regressive devoicing of voiced coda sibilants, as in /ki ̯ ͡ez - si ̯ ͡e/ [ki ̯ ͡es - si ̯ ͡e ] ‘travel-COND’ and /  t ̪ æ ːʒ -s ɛ z/ [ t ̪ æ ːʃ  -s ɛ z] ‘crown-PRV.’ Across constituent members of a compound both devoicing and minor place assimilation is evident in words like  /  t ̪ a ː s ʒɔːɫ  / [ t ̪ a ːʃ     ʃɔːɫ ] ‘stone road (paved road)’ and /bi ̯ ͡e s- ʒʏ z/ [b i ̯ ͡eʃ  -  ʃʏ z/ ‘five hundred’ (Krippes 1993). In onsets, postalveolar fricatives are realized as affricates in some dialects (Amanzholov 1959). Some speakers report this distinction being used as a regional shibboleth. As with the uvular plosive, the uvular fricative is subject to noticeable variation. On several occasions during elicitation the fricative was produced as a voiced uvular plosive, as in [  ʃ  a ː pa ːɴ - ɢ a ː ] ‘coat-DAT’ and once as a uvular trill, in [ ʒɔːɫɔ w  ʃə - ʀ a ː ] ‘traveler-DAT.’  Among the sonorants, nasals are produced at three major places of articulation, although it is reported that the velar nasal is realized as a uvular in back vowel contexts (Vajda 1994). Also, the alveolar nasal undergoes assimilation to the place of articulation of a following obstruent, exemplififed by /   ʃaːpaːn - ʁaː/  [  ʃ  a ː pa ːɴ - ɢ a ː ] ‘coat-DAT’ (Krippes 1993). The lateral approximant is velarized in back vowel contexts. As for the trill, it may be reduced to a tap in connected speech, exemplified by /q ə ra ː n/ [q əɾ  a ː n] ‘hawk’ and /q ɔ r-a ː -s ə z- d ̪ a ː r=ma ː  / [q ɔɾ  a ː s ə z d ̪ a ː rma ː ] ‘construct-NPST-2.FORM-PL=Q.’ In word-initial position, /r/ is often preceded by a prothetic 1  The following glosses are used herein: 3- third person, ABL- ablative, ACC- accusative, AGT- agentive, COND- conditional, DAT- dative, FORM- formal, GEN- genitive, GER- gerund, IMP- imperative, LOC- locative, NEG- negative, NPST- non-past, PFV- perfective, PL- plural, POSS- possessive, PRO- pronominal, PRV- privative, PST- past, Q- question, “-” precedes a suffix, and “=” precedes a clitic.  vowel , like in /ri ̯ ͡eŋk/ [ɪri ̯ ͡eŋk] ‘color.’ The palatal and labiovelar approximants are less common than other sonorants, particularly in word-initial position. Two further consonantal processes are deserving of mention: desonorization and nasal harmony. Desonorization targets suffix onsets, specifically /l m n/, creating heterosyllabic consonantal sequences with falling sonority (Vajda 1994; Kara 2002; Davis 1998; Gouskova 2004; Gopal 2015). This is evident in the plural suffix, /-lar/, the accusative suffix, /-n ə  /, and the question enclitic, /=ma ː  /, shown below. The details differ, though, by underlying consonant type. For the nasal in the accusative, any segment less sonorous than a vowel triggers desonorization. For the lateral in the plural suffix, stem-final vowels, approximants, and trills are followed by /l/ while stem-final laterals, nasals and voiced obstruent s are followed by /d ̪  /. Finally, after stem-final voiceless obstruents, the initial consonant of PL is /  t ̪  /. For the question enclitic, though, desonorization occurs only after stem-final nasals and obstruents, and in such cases, Q agrees with the stem-final segment in voicing, being realized as /b/ or /p/. Stem Gloss stem-PL stem-ACC stem-ABL stem=Q aː p t ̪aː  week aː p t ̪aː - ɫaː r aː p t ̪aː -n ə   aː p t ̪aː - d ̪aː n aː p t ̪aː =m aː   aː  j moon aː  j- ɫaː r aː  j- d ̪ə   aː  j- d ̪aː n aː  j=m aː  n aː r dromedary n aː r- ɫaː r n aː r- d ̪ə  n aː r- d ̪aː n n aː r=m aː   t ̪aː l willow t ̪aː l- d ̪aː r t ̪aː l- d ̪ə   t ̪aː l- d ̪aː n t ̪aː l=m aː  n aː n bread n aː n- d ̪aː r n aː n- d ̪ə  n aː n-n aː n n aː n=b aː   aː w ə z mouth aː w ə z- d ̪aː r aː w ə z- d ̪ə   aː w ə z- d ̪aː n aː w ə z=b aː   aː s meal aː s- t ̪aː r aː s- t ̪ə   aː s- t ̪aː n aː s=p aː   aːt ̪  horse aːt ̪ - t ̪aː r aːt ̪ - t ̪ə   aːt ̪ - t ̪aː n aːt ̪ =p aː  Related to suffix onset desonorization, suffix onsets undergo nasal harmony when flanked by two nasals (Balakayev 1962; Davis 1998; Kuhn 2014; Gopal 2015). Compare the accusative-inflected forms to the genitive- and ablative-inflected forms below. ACC and GEN have an underlying alveolar nasal initially, evidenced by /a ːpt ̪ a ː -n ə  / ‘week-ACC’ and /  apt ̪ a-n əŋ/  ‘week-GEN’, whereas AB L has an underlying /d ̪  /, as in /a ːpt ̪ a ː - d ̪ a ː n/ ‘week-ABL.’ When the suffix-initial nasal of ACC is concatenated to a stem-final nasal, the suffix nasal undergoes desonorization to /  d ̪  /, as in /na ː n- d ̪ə  / ‘bread. However, in the genitive morpheme, which has a suffix-final nasal, the onset does not undergo desonorization. Instead, the onset nasal is retained, as in /nan-n əŋ/  ‘bread-GEN.’ In contrast to other forms, the initial /d ̪  / of the ablative morpheme is nasalized to /n/ when following a stem-final nasal, as seen in /na ː n-na ː n/ ‘bread-ABL.’ The preceding nasal must be stem-final for nasal harmony to occur. In /nar/ ‘dromedary’, the nasal is stem-initial, but in the case-inflected forms below the stem-initial nasal is ignored for nasal harmony.
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